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Candidates Must Address Youth Unemployment
There's a problem with the youth unemployment rate -- it's too high. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the July unemployment rate for teenagers was 20.3 percent. Compare that to 5.7 percent unemployment rate of all Americans and you begin to understand the magnitude of the problem.
In the context of the increased participation of young voters and the unemployment rate, CIRCLE's director Peter Levine argues that this campaign season reflects only the issues of college-educated young voters, the majority of young voters in this primary season:
"[W]e hear some talk about the cost of college and some discussion (albeit not enough) about issues that especially concern idealistic college students, such as climate change. But there is silence about the serious plight of working-class youth."
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Can We Have Real Democracy in a Two-Party System?
Like generations before them, Millennials lament the two-party system. They want more choices, more accurate representations of their ideals and values. As one student in CIRCLE's study measuring political attitudes among college students, said, "I think everyone is just too afraid to agree with one another because there's this mindset where you have to either be completely Democratic or completely Republican."
The two-party system controlled by the Democrats and Republicans shuts out voices of other, legitimate political parties and interests. Other forces, such as the media, have colluded with the two major parties in order to define America's political choices. A fellow WireTap writer, Kameelah Rasheed, has criticized already some of the positions of the Democratic candidates, as not her cup of tea.
So here's my -- unabashedly -- very unoriginal plan that can move us close to a multi-party system in the next few elections. Let's move to small towns and big cities in states across the country, to affect very local elections, such as city and school boards. Conservatives have already done just that - created small pockets of conservatism by controlling local school boards.
Let's say there is an existing party, Party M, that has a small presence in towns and cities all over the country. We then identify where elected seats could be won. One vote really matters in local elections and our experience in peer-to-peer outreach and online fundraising can make us a serious voting bloc for any local election. Assuming we win, we next build upon that base, getting more Party M candidates elected to municipal- and city-level seats. After securing those seats, we can now make a run at state districts, and so on. The goal isn't to get one person elected to the highest office, but to elect many people in many different localities and in many different states. This way is very grassroots, which is to our advantage, and it is more pluralistic than segregating oneself in a political oasis. We join the system, but with fresh ideas and attitudes, and more importantly, we bring a progressive ideology that won't bent to the politics of those before us. And we offer others another choice.
Now is the time because of today's political engagement and the evolving work culture. Millennials are energized and participating in politics at level not seen since 1992, perhaps earlier. The presence is real and it's already helping to decide this election's outcome. Not only has voting been up in all the primaries, save New York, but young people have been the face of politics in the media and on the campaign trail. So, we must use this energy to make seismic changes in the political system, just as in other areas of civic engagement. Isn't that why we're getting involved in the first place?
We are not limited to a few geographic locations, and picking the right community is not as difficult as before. Millennials are demanding a change in work culture that allows us to work from where we want to live (and where we want to bring democracy). For example, one of my colleagues works full-time from her home in Chicago; our office, where I work, is in Washington, DC. I've encouraged her to run for school board and I hope that she does, but as a third party candidate.
Some Millennials don't want to choose between the two parties, but still we give into the system. But this moment is our chance to carry forth on our lofty goals and ambitions. Let's leap at the opportunity, because we've arrived.
A Youth Movement, Not a Cult
Young people aren't always liberals. And the majority didn't always vote for Democrats.
Surprised? No, for real, are you?
The eighties are remembered mostly for its pop culture, but the decade was also famous for Reagan and the expansion of the Republican Party. The plurality of young people in that decade, like other age groups, voted for Reagan and identified with the G.O.P. In other words, the G.O.P. attracted more young voters than the Democratic Party while Reagan was in office.
In 1988, young people helped elect George H.W. Bush into the Oval Office. That was also the last time when more young people voted for the G.O.P. than Democrats.
The next decade was then when the Democrat's began to ride on a wave of youth energy and participation, which was reinforced at the beginning of the new century. Bill Clinton's victory in 1992 was helped in part by the second highest recorded turnout of young people since 1972 -- 52 percent. (pdf)
Even though young people have favored the Democrats since 1992, it hasn't always been by an overwhelming margin; young people were split more evenly in 1998 and 2000. Gore won the plurality of the youth vote in 2000, but only by a 2 percentage-point margin. (pdf)
This was followed by a burst in youth support in 2004; the margin soared to nine percentage points in favor of Kerry. More recently, in the 2006 Congressional house races, 58 percent of young people supported a Democratic Candidate. (pdf) Moreover, the plurality of young voters identified with the Democratic Party, a 12 percentage point advantage over the G.O.P. And even more recently, in the 2008 primary contests, for which we have exit poll data for both parties, roughly three-quarters of all young voters participated in the Democratic primary.
So yes, divisive politics turns out voters -- of all stripes -- and young voters are no different. In 2004 and 2006, young voters came out in larger numbers -- by a greater margin -- than any other age group. The 2008 primary season is no different.
But what is different in this election, isn't just the energy, it's proof that the strategy of reaching out to young voters works. The growing support for Democrats, especially in this primary season, is partly the result of direct and tailored outreach to young people; the GOP is not putting as much effort into recruiting young voters.
Youth outreach matters, as in, it just might win you an election, especially when the Millennials are about to surpass the Baby Boomers generation in numbers. Democrats were the first to recognize this in the 2008 election.
Party affiliation, and more importantly, preferences are not dictated by time and age, but through the strength of the argument made in its case. Progressives have been making their case now for years, and most are not buying into any stereotypes about young voters. This is a movement that is years in the making and still growing.
Demand the Popular Vote
Today's youth are more ethnically and racially diverse than ever before. This unprecedented diversity of Millenial's (pdf) though is not fully present at the voting booth, because of our antiquated Electoral College system.
After people of color and women won their right to vote, women have voted in high numbers, outvoting young men since 1972. Young people of color, on the other hand, still lag behind their white counterparts when it comes to voter turnout.
This voting gap between young people of color and whites highlights the problem with today's strategic electoral campaigning in 'swing states' -- a product of the Electoral College system.
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Differences in Political Participation Among Young Women and Men
Even when excluding elected officials, and even though women vote and volunteer at higher numbers, young men are still more active in political activities overall than young women.
Due to various legal and socioeconomic barriers, young women have historically been less engaged in politics and leadership than young men. On the other hand, they are what researchers refer to as 'civic specialists' -- citizens, who outperform their male counterparts in civic activities, such as volunteering for political issues and social causes, improving local communities, or raising money for charities.
This difference between young women and men owes a great deal to laws, institutions, and society. Often, women were dissuaded from voting, running for elected office, and participating in other meaningful political leadership activities. Civic participation, such as volunteering for causes, raising money, or community activism didn't have these same barriers, which offered a participatory outlet for young women.
The 15th, 19th, and 26th amendments knocked down the most significant barriers to women's electoral engagement. So what's happened since then? How are women getting involved?
Since 1972, young women have outdone young men in voting. But there is more. The voting gap has grown between young women and men from one point in 1972 to seven points in 2004. (pdf)
Different attitudes among the sexes to voting explain some of this annual drubbing of young men in voter turnout. Men are more likely to view voting as 'their responsibility as a citizen.' (Definitely no A+ in citizenship.) Women view voting 'as an expression of their choice.' And that's just it -- a choice. Voting is a signal in democracy of a citizen's preferences. One reason why voting isn't mandatory -- it's a choice! And by choosing to vote or not to vote, citizens send a clear signal to politicians that they must pay attention and respond to what citizens want. But voting is only one way to get involved politically.
This is where men make their preferences most known and why researchers still consider them to be more politically active than women. Young men are more engaged in persuading others to vote, donating to political candidates, and being a regular volunteer for political campaigns. (pdf) According to CIRCLE's, definition of electoral participation, which gives equal importance to all activities, young men are what researchers refer to as 'electoral specialists' -- that is, men are considered to be more engaged politically, as supposed to civically, than young women, even though young men turn out at lower numbers to the voting precincts.
There has been a surge in youth political activism in the 2008 primary season. And while we (perhaps just me) wait for all of the data to roll in about this election, we may see women close the gap in the entire spectrum of political engagement -- that is active engagement with issues and communities, as well as political candidates. And if young women become the 'electoral specialists,' then what? Maybe we'll need special programs to engage our young men.
For Youth Organizers, It's All About Registering Voters
Registering to vote is often the first and most difficult obstacle to the act of actual voting. Research shows though that once registered, young people are much more likely to vote; About eight in 10 registered young people voted in 2004.
The U.S. Constitution doesn't mention registering to vote, it only requires that citizens must be at least 18 years old to vote. And the government puts the burden of registering new voters on the citizens themselves. And there are good reasons for this, like fraud prevention.
Except for those lucky folks in North Dakota, the rest of us must register to vote. In 2004, 70 percent of young people were registered to vote; the highest registration rate since 1972. One reason for the record-high registration rate in 2004 was the unprecedented amount of resources and work invested in getting out the vote by non-partisan organizations, such as Rock the Vote, the League of Young Voters, New Voters Project, HeadCount, and Smackdown Your Vote(!), which leveraged new technology, peer-to-peer organizing, and entertainment to attract and engage young people in electoral participation.
But don't take registering to vote for granted. While laws like Motor Voter -- that now allow people to register to vote and apply for a driver's license at the same time -- do make it easier to register, not all young people pass through the Department of Motor Vehicles at age 18 (usually getting their driver's license at 16 or 17 and then returning when they are 21). Also, young people are the most mobile age group, which forces them to re-register at new residences.
So, with young people, it's especially important to continue outreach efforts to guarantee that they are registered. One of the fundamental ways to increase registration rates is by reminding young-soon-to-be-voters of the voter registration deadlines, which vary by state. (The variance in state registration laws is another headache for national registration campaigns.)
But the government can do more, and it should. Election Day Registration, for example, (EDR) is a pro-voter law that allows citizens to register at the polls on Election Day. With the addition of Iowa and North Carolina in 2007, there are now nine EDR states, and research has shown that EDR states have voter turnout rates that are 14 percentage points higher. Other states are working on EDR legislation, but here's a chance for the federal government to step-in. And you, too.
Latest Research Reveals Huge Disparities Among Young Voters
College students are voting in record numbers and making their issues heard in the 2008 primary season. Young people without college experience -- who constitute close to half of the 18- to 29-year-old electorate and are more likely to be youth of color -- are notably absent.
If social science research can be sure about anything, it's the fact that education is positively correlated with many civic engagement outcomes -- including voter turnout rates. In the 2004 presidential election, 27 percentage points separated the turnout rates of the college-educated (61 percent) and youth who have no college experience (32 percent). This gap has persisted since 1972 and it continues today. New CIRCLE research found that one in four young people with at least some college experience voted in the 2008 Super Tuesday states, compared to just one in 14 non-college youth.
For the health of our democracy, it is critical that all citizens make their interests and concerns known to elected officials. When youth without college education don't vote, their interests get ignored by government, which in turn, provides inadequate resources to their schools and communities perpetuating the cycle of non-participation.
We need to address this gap now -- during this election -- and while the emphasis on the internet and online organizing is effective this year in delivering information about the voting process to college youth, it leaves out non-college youth, whose voices need the most amplification. Complicating outreach tactics even more, places that were once venues for mobilizing non-college youth, such as unions, and community organizations, are less effective today because of declining membership rates.
One way to engage non-college youth, in the long term, is to improve access to and affordability of college; but not everyone wants to attend. For those young people that do not want to attend college -- or can't afford or access it -- the focus needs to turn to high school civic education. A new CIRCLE working paper found that students in higher-income school districts are twice as likely as those from average-income districts to learn how laws are made and how Congress works. More than that, they are more than one-and-a-half times as likely to report having political debates and panel discussions.
Political campaigns know that getting votes from harder-to-reach, non-college youth is more costly, in both time and money, compared to reaching out to college-educated voters. So while politicians and today's presidential candidates need to find new ways to reach out directly to non-college youth, so do young, college-educated voters, who can leverage their growing voting power to give a platform to the issues and voices of non-college youth.
A successful democracy isn't just about voting; it also requires the full participation of all of its citizens in every aspect of civil society. And sometimes participation means standing up for those Millennials that don't have the ear of political candidates.
Youth Vote Stereotypes Debunked: 'Three' is the Magic Number
(Ed's Note: WireTap crew is honored to welcome 26-year-old Karlo Barrios Marcelo aboard as our new blogger. Karlo is a research associate at CIRCLE -- a non-partisan research center that studies political engagement among 15- to 25-year-olds in America. The tireless polling and field research of Karlo and his team helps journalists, bloggers, organizers and academics that study or promote youth activism turn individual perceptions and anecdotes into hard facts. In the coming year, Karlo will help our readers debunk stereotypes, highlight overlooked research findings and just make sense of it all in the larger, historic context. Welcome, Karlo!)
We all know that the youth vote is no mirage, especially not in the 2008 primaries, so why do skeptics continue to question the participation of young voters?
Recently, I've been hearing a tired and oft-repeated sentiment among skeptics, 'Young people vote, but they still vote at lower rates than adults.' It's great that skeptics are correct on the facts (for once!). But, as with all statistics, we have to view this fact in the bigger context. The truth is that young people of all generations, in almost all democracies -- not just in the U.S. -- vote at lower rates than their adult counterparts. But this shouldn't be viewed as a negative.
When someone is new to any process, especially one with ever-changing rules and laws, experience is the guide. As people age and become more adept at finding their polling location and using voting machines, their participation rates increase. What skeptics fail to mention, is that they were once these same young people too that did not vote.
But we are a new generation with a new agenda -- to turn stereotypes on their head. Analysis by The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), where I work as Research Associate, shows that youth voter turnout rates have trended downward since 1972. That year, on the heels of the 26th Amendment that lowered the voting age to 18, and in the middle of the unpopular Vietnam war, young people recorded the highest turnout rate thus far -- 55 percent.
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Karlo Barrios Marcelo is a research associate at